I am currently working my way through the recently published The Kennan Diaries: George F. Kennan, edited by Frank Costigliola. The journals of interesting people make for compelling reading, and so I expect to finish within a few days. Born in 1905, Kennan recorded his first journal entry at age 11. He penned his last 88 years later at age 99, two years before his death at 101 years of age.
Characterized by endless frustrations and set-backs,
Kennan’s career in the Foreign Service did not, on first glance, appear
particularly successful. Indeed, in a fit
of exasperation, he declared that he was nothing more than a “glorified
clerk.” An intense man, Kennan immersed
himself so completely into Soviet Russia during his first posting there that he
suffered a complete mental and physical breakdown. His two ambassadorial postings—to the Soviet
Union in 1952 and to Yugoslavia in 1961—ended disastrously. For all his brilliance, Kennan had a penchant
for the injudicious and careless remark, which torpedoed his ambassadorships.
Kennan’s legacy, however, is to be found in his written
word. He is best known, of course, for
the “Long Telegram” of 1946, from which the Cold War policy of Containment
evolved. He advised neither compromise
nor confrontation with the Soviet Union, and advocated the strengthening of
institutions at home, as well as the rebuilding of Europe (the Marshall Plan
was largely his idea.) Very quickly,
however, successive American administrations molded his idea into whatever they
wanted it to mean. And so, Kennan spent
much of the last 50 years of his life explaining why the pursuits of particular
policies were not at all what he meant. As
a discredited Cassandra, sidelined from any real input into policy, his
warnings went generally unheeded. The reason Kennan is somewhat back in vogue now is that History has proven him to have been prescient more often than not. He scorned the notion of an ideological “war on Communism” (as he would later scorn the notion of a “war on terror”). He was appalled at the arms race and opposed the expansion of nuclear armaments into Europe, advancing the idea of a united and demilitarized Germany. Kennan spoke out against the Vietnam War early on, and enthusiastically backed Eugene McCarthy in 1968. He worried that the fall of the Soviet bloc was “too sudden.” He opposed our intervention into Somalia upon supposedly humanitarian grounds. Kennan thought the expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe to be the worst foreign policy blunder of his lifetime. This, of course, was before George W. Bush’s invasion of Iraq. At age 97, he and Eugene McCarthy met in Washington to speak out against this folly. To dismiss him as a simple isolationist is to totally misunderstand the thrust of his arguments. Kennan believed that the best approach abroad was to strengthen those domestic institutions that would bind the American people together and give meaning and structure to our larger society.
The great irony of Kennan’s career is that he is credited
with articulating our Cold War strategy against Soviet Russia, while
concurrently pursuing a lifelong infatuation with all things Russian. Kennan even liked to think of himself as
Russian, writing “my Russian self…is much more genuine than the American
one.” In a letter to his sister, he
noted that he would “rather be sent to Siberia among them (which certainly
would happen to me …if I were a Soviet citizen) than to live in Park Avenue
among our own stuffy folk.” Kennan
despised the Soviet government, but as his journals clearly illustrate, this
was not from any ideological opposition to Communism (for he was scathing in
his criticism of American capitalism and the bourgeoisie), but rather from the harsh
paranoid Soviet policies that limited the contact he so desired with average
Russians.
His journals are a rare treat, and I will be posted some
excerpts, in chronological order.
1928
"That's why I am probably always going to be a considerable radical." [After commenting in letter to sister about how much he despised the "boundless optimism" felt by many Americans about their "perpetual prosperity."]
1931
Berlin, May 30
"I rejected the communists, I said, because of their innate cowardice and their intellectual insolence.
They had abandoned the ship of Western European civilization like a swarm of rats, when they considered it to be sinking, instead of staying on and trying to keep it afloat. Abandoning the ship, they had grasped at a theory for economic adjustment, possibly right though somewhat antiquated, and had hoped by means of this theory to cross at a bound the gulf across which the rest of mankind had been struggling through centuries of slow and painful progress. They had credited their own intelligence with powers far greater than those of all previous generations, had laughed at all the things which have stirred and troubled men for centuries, had called all their forefathers and most of their contemporaries hopeless fools. I was not a religious man, I said, but this impertinence struck me as a form of sacrilege, cultural and intellectual sacrilege, if you will, as a tremendous blasphemy against all the previous struggling and suffering and sacrificing of the human animal. I felt that it must some day be punished as all ignorant presumption and egotism must be punished.
I tried to make it clear that this applied to communism only in its international aspect. As a purely Russian phenomenon it might have a different meaning; for Russia it might be a constructive necessary development in a certain sense. For us in the West, though, it could only be regarded as a Untergangserscheinung, a sign of retrogression."
1932
Riga, May 7
"I returned from London on the George Washington, as I recall. There were several hundred Rotarians on board. I find this entry in a notebook: Several hundred Rotarians on board. I seek their company, somewhat shyly, not because if affords me any pleasure or profit, but because I want to find something in their way of thought to which I can attach myself. After all, if I am not an American, then I am nothing at all.
It strikes me that while they are all nice people, there is not a real lady or gentleman among them. These are the people whose interests I am supposed to defend. I am not sorry to do it; they are good naïve people, most of them--kind and generous. They work hard at home and deserve their place in the sun. But they are children, and it is a bore to have to protect children from their environment when you cannot discipline them and teach them to protect themselves.
Also from the notebook:
Golf is a game for people who like walking but are afraid of being left to their own thoughts.
Bridge is a game for people who don't even like to walk."
Berlin, May 30
"I rejected the communists, I said, because of their innate cowardice and their intellectual insolence.
They had abandoned the ship of Western European civilization like a swarm of rats, when they considered it to be sinking, instead of staying on and trying to keep it afloat. Abandoning the ship, they had grasped at a theory for economic adjustment, possibly right though somewhat antiquated, and had hoped by means of this theory to cross at a bound the gulf across which the rest of mankind had been struggling through centuries of slow and painful progress. They had credited their own intelligence with powers far greater than those of all previous generations, had laughed at all the things which have stirred and troubled men for centuries, had called all their forefathers and most of their contemporaries hopeless fools. I was not a religious man, I said, but this impertinence struck me as a form of sacrilege, cultural and intellectual sacrilege, if you will, as a tremendous blasphemy against all the previous struggling and suffering and sacrificing of the human animal. I felt that it must some day be punished as all ignorant presumption and egotism must be punished.
I tried to make it clear that this applied to communism only in its international aspect. As a purely Russian phenomenon it might have a different meaning; for Russia it might be a constructive necessary development in a certain sense. For us in the West, though, it could only be regarded as a Untergangserscheinung, a sign of retrogression."
1932
Riga, May 7
"I returned from London on the George Washington, as I recall. There were several hundred Rotarians on board. I find this entry in a notebook: Several hundred Rotarians on board. I seek their company, somewhat shyly, not because if affords me any pleasure or profit, but because I want to find something in their way of thought to which I can attach myself. After all, if I am not an American, then I am nothing at all.
It strikes me that while they are all nice people, there is not a real lady or gentleman among them. These are the people whose interests I am supposed to defend. I am not sorry to do it; they are good naïve people, most of them--kind and generous. They work hard at home and deserve their place in the sun. But they are children, and it is a bore to have to protect children from their environment when you cannot discipline them and teach them to protect themselves.
Also from the notebook:
Golf is a game for people who like walking but are afraid of being left to their own thoughts.
Bridge is a game for people who don't even like to walk."
2 comments:
A very good post - thanks for educating me on Kennan. This period of recent American history is key to understanding many current events. I don't like that so much of modern education in the US merely focuses on presidents...it's these other less prominent figures that drove much of history. US History as a mere list of presidents is so minimalistic, and ensures easy propaganda toward the young.
Absolutely. I start on the chapter on the Cold War with my students tomorrow. You better believe that they will hear about George Kennan!
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